3525 
35 



6 

^ ^ Uc Mdresses 

of Jiveri/ C, Vfoore, 
of Sdaho, 



PUBLIC ADDRESSES 

of 
AVEPY C. MOORE 

of Idaho. 



Gift 
Author 
(Person) 

2f!}'05 



75 3^^X 
.0 



f 



y-\ ^' 



Problems of the Presents 

Labor Day Address, Delivered at Boise, Idaho, September 
3rd, 1906. 

"Proclaim the right of man to life — the right of conscience to liberty — the 
sovereigntj' of reason — the sacredness of labor — the blessedness of peace. 

Friends and fellow citizens: 

The words I have quoted are from an inspiring 
oration delivered at Paris in 1878 by the first patriot 
of France, Victor Hugo. When the human race ac- 
cepts them for precept and for practice, it will mark 
the meridian of civilization. I can recall no vvords 
that would better serve for a text upon this occasion, 
and so I will endeavor to speak, in their spirit, of 
our country and of some of the barriers that are in 
thepathway of its mighty destiny. 

Do me the kindness to make no comijarison be- 
tween wliat I shall say and the splendid address of 
our distinguisihed guest, the Vice-President. My 
theme is as inspiring as his ))ut I cannot declare it 
with Mr. Fairbanks' elociueiice. 

Mr. Vice-President, the thouglit comes to me at 
this moment, as it must come to you, tliat this is a 
typical American audience. That is what we desire 
to be, out here in Idaho — not Western — not provincial 
nor iu any sense peculiar^justAmerican. We dream 
of no higher estate than American citizenship. If 
we are worthy of that we will V)e content. If you 
have the conviction today that we are deserving of 
all witii which the repul)lic iuis endowed us you 



know us as \vc are. If you can koo]) that thought 
with you ^^■h('n you go away your memory will do 
us credit as your presence does us houo/. 

THE RIG Hi TO LIFE. 

Ladies and gentlemen, the supreme duty the pre- 
sent owes the future is tiie emancipation of a million 
children from merciless slavery to greed. No curse 
so awful as this ever liefore rested ui)on any of the 
races of man — civilized or barbarian. Think of it, 
you men and women whose little ones are spending 
the \ital hours of childhood at school, in the iiome, 
and at play uiulerthe sapphire skies of Idaho; there 
are over a million children, "entitled to life, liberty, 
tind the pursuit of hap[)iness" — even as yours and 
mine-- who are doomed to toil, and in a re|)ubl;c tluit 
boasts of its devotion to the X)rinciples of liberty. 

"They know the grief of man without its wisdom; 
The.y sink in uian's des])air without its calm; 
Are slaves, without the liberty in Christendom; 
Are martyrs, by the pang without the I'alm." 

The surest test of a people's civilization is theii- 
treatment of women and (diildren. Tlie subjection 
of women is l)arf)arisini — but tlie enslavement of 
children is mur<ler. It is a form of murder that no 
government can tolerate an.d live. "The boys and 
girls of today are the men and women of tomorrow'" 
— and pathetic figures, indeed, will he the men and 
women of tomorrow who survive the childdab-or of 
today; women-— without strengh and witl'out courage 
to gain the proud estates which are womanhood's 
crowning glory; men — without vitality to give to 
their country in war, autl without cdiicrition to ac- 
com])lish the vicitories of ])eac,e. 

There are many laws on the sta.tute boo!;s of 
dill'erent states which prohibit (diihl lalxir, l)ut few 
of thi'm are enfurccd. There are two states in tho 
union, however, that have no laws whatever on this 
gijbject— ancl one of them is Idaho. I verv njuch 



7 
mistake the character of the people of this advanc- 
iiiii; commonwealth if they do not speedily remove 
this occasion for reproach by the enactment of 
drastic and righteous laws — and then demand their 
strict obedience. Idaho wants no industrial activity 
or commercial progress based upon the toil of chil 
dren. 

Yes, let us proclaim the right of the children to 
life. Let us^the whole American people — declare 
that our citizens shall not grow u]) enfeebled by 
early toil, but that we will establish the future se- 
curity of the republic by making the tender years of 
childhood beautiful and glorious. 

LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE. 

"Ye l)uild the tombs of the prophets — and your 
fathers killed them,'' said the Gaililean Teacher." 
We are no more consistent today. We make some 
hero's life one long martyrdom because he doesn't 
think our thoughts — then when he lays down the 
l)urden to join the great company of the Immortals we 
garland his grave with laurel. We demand the oath 
of allegiance to the existing social and industrial 
order as the price of our good fellowshsip, forgetting 
tiiat there would l)e neither progress nor civilization 
were it not for the lirave spirits who always preaciied 
a better day just ])eyond the existing order. Amer- 
ica could ])etter spare any of her sons today than 
John Mitchell, but she will not admit it until he ha;^ 
passed away and the fruits of his life have been 
gathered. 

Three hundred and sixty odd years ago Calvin 
burned Servetus at the stake at Geneva for denying 
"the live points of Calvin" — and a few years ago, on 
the same spot, the religious successors of Calvin built 
a monument to Servetus. Tiuit monument was the 
material testimony of their sorrow because the "right 
of conscience to liberty" had been denied by the 
founder of th^ir faith ^50 yeaj-s before, (Servetus is 



imiiiortal now — and the "live jioints of Calvin" are 
in tile al)an(l()ne(l cavc^rns (it llirology. 

The world is not ready, even yet, to admit the 
riij;ht of private judiinient, either in matters sec- 
ular or sectarian, but sooner or later that dream of 
the a^es will be realized. And civilization will l)e 
iiiven a mighty impetus when men are granted by 
their fellows the right to freedom of opinion. The 
opposite attitude has cost the lives of millions in the 
past and it is the barrier to the highest development 
of millions today. 

The most cruel, and at the same time the most 
defenseless, of all the manifestations of intolerance is 
that which denies to men the right to worship God 
as conscience nuiy direct. True, men have reached 
tiie point before the law in this country when it is 
legal for them to hold opinions, and to utter or print 
them, but the spirit of persecutioin still lives. That 
quality which, througli all the ages, has impelled men 
to thank (iod that they were not as other men; that 
has ])rompted the believer to prove his piety by con- 
demning men of faith other tlum his as "enemies 
of (b)d;" that has moved him to shed "heretic" 
blood to insure his own salvaiton; that has controlled 
him in denying the common rights of man to the 
sceptic— that spirit still lives. It does not manifest 
itself in the same numner as of old, but it lives. 
It was the power behind the Inquisition; it left a 
bloody record in the early history of Protestantism; 
it drove the Hugenots from France and the puritans 
from England; it drove the Catholics from Maryland 
and the Quakers from Pennsylvania. Yesterday it 
was the inspiration of an oath-bound army, niar- 
tialed to destroy Catholicism in America, and today, 
in Idaho, it demands that fifty thousand men and 
women, wlio happen to believe that Joseph Smith 
was a prophet of God, l)e deprived of their American 
citizenship. 




And so we, as a people, are not, wholly civilized. 
Nor will we be so long as we refuse to concede to 
every man a perfect ri-ht to think as he ninst and to 
speak freely his opinioins. We have won that n-ht 
l)efore the law, l)nt we still have to pay martyrdom 
-not the martyrdom of Servetus-bnt another kind. 
America should take into account no man's relipon 
because it is none of the nation's concern— but 
American citizens make it their concern; The Prot- 
estant ridicules the Catholic; both Protestant and 
Catholic sneer at the Jew. Protestant, Catholic and 
Jew unite in danminii the Mormons— while all four 
endeavor to make life miserable for the Christian 
Scientist. 

And vet who has authority to say that the creed 
of (meis'riiihtand that the others are wrong? Or 
who is competent to .leclare that there is not some 
error and some truth in each and all. The history 
of civilization does not bear the exclusive imprint of 
any creed. It is the handiwork of man, moving 
under the inspiration of the Divine. 

It is true of this republic. Ihe mighty pen of 
Thomas Paine gave courage to the soldiers of tho 
Revolution-even as the words of the I^Laster stimu- 
lated the endeavor of Washington. Let us not longer 
minimize the importance of either upon the destiny 
of our country-Nve have ignored the deeds of Pame, 
to curse his memory for the error in his faith, until 
the debt of hate should have })een paid long ago. 
Neither let us contend that our creed has done most 
for the republic; rather let us remember that in war 
and in peace; in art and invention; in statesmanship 
and in industry-in all that has made this nation 
nii-htv and that will make its future years sublime 
— there is represented the best devotion of the fol- 
lowers of every cree<l, and that there is glory enough 
for all. Let us not make any man's religious faith 
the test of his American citizenship. Let us pro- 
claim "the right of conscience to liberty. 



lo 

THE SOVEREIGNTY OF REASON. 

A free «2;()verninent must rest upon luind — not 
wealth — not force; on the free deveh)pment of putj- 
lic opinion — not on authority. Safe is the political 
system whose eternal guide is reason, for that gov- 
ernment venerates the masses as against the few — 
and "All the great and noble institutions of the 
world have come from pojjular ettorts." 

"To secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
and our pcjsterity" this government was ordained. 
Equity and utility are the motive and basis of its 
laws. And if, as a people, we would have equity we 
must admiit equality before the law as individuals. 
If there is a serious weakness in' our governmental 
structure today it is the disposition to demand im- 
munity from laws that displease. Yet it must be 
evident that evasion of the law, either by the power 
of selfish interests or in obedience to popular clamor, 
encourages disrespect for all law. Wliile law is law 
it must be enforced. The lal)or union official charged 
with crime deserves no more special consideration at 
the hands of the law, because of his position, than 
does the accused millionaire because of his money; 
the issue should be determined by evidence of guilt 
or innocence and by nothing else. We are all equal 
l)efore the law, in theory, and all must be equal in 
its admnistration. The cabinet official who suspends 
the operation of an 8-h(nir law on government work 
in Idaho under plea of "extraordinary emergency" 
that doesn't exist, is no more deserving of respect 
than is the insurance official who repudiates his just 
obligation to the victim of disaster. 

THE SAOREDNESS OF LABOR. 

That which was originally "the curse of Adam'' 
has become the noblest of manhood's virtues. All 
over this proud land today tliere are hundreds of 
thousands — yes millions — of men and women, march- 



tl 



ing with happy faces and proud of their sacred call- 
ing. Although trade-unionism laid the foundation 
for the first celebration of Labor Day, it has far out- 
grown trade unionism, because it represents a greater 
and grander and holier idea than can be indicated 
by any fraction of humanity. Labor Day dignifies 
labor and puts idleness to shame; It brings into 
contempt the loafer, rich or poor— the man or woman 
who is content to consume without creating; to 
occupy without bull iing; to be a parasite on the 
body of industry. 

Workers, I exalt your station. Be fraternal. 
Accept as your brothers and sisters the men and 
women who add aught to the wealth of the world - 
and help them to receive a just measure of the 
products of their toil. 

THE BLESSEDNESS OF PEACE. 
The world is weary of conflict and longs for the 
coming of the Glolden Age of Peace. But there can 
be no peace until Justice shall reign— and Justice is 
not yet supreme. Ever since the days of Israel men 
have prayed for the time when conllict should be no 
n^ore— and all have spent their lives fighting— fight- 
ing for justice. And we, too, dream of peace-and 
we, too,'struggle for justice. It cannot be otherwise 
until the dominion of Justice is established. Every 
advance of mankind toward higher ground has been 
wrested from selHshness-none of it has l)een a free 
endowment. That is the testimony of the labor move- 
ment in America, and it will be repeated throughout 
the years of the future so long as there is organized 
selfishness to exploit the common man. There can 
be no peace while children toil; there can be no 
peace while women sutler poverty; there can be no 
peace while the makers of law forget the men who 
hil)or; there ran l)e no peace while employers deny 
freedom of opinion to the men and women wiio 
create the wealth of the world, 



12 

But I, too, dream of the Golden Age of Peace, 
my brother, \Yhen there sliall be — 

"Work for all men, and for all men rest, 
And time to taste the joys of life;" 
When strife shall be no more— l)ecause occasion 
for strife is no more; When none shall bend the knee 
to Mammon, and the Golden Rule sliall govern in 
all the affairs of men. 



The Despotism of Power, 

Labor Day Address, Deliveredat Portland, Oregon, September 
4th, 1905. 

"Each American, whether he works with his head or his hands; whether 
he is an employer or a Wage-earner; no matter where he was born or what 
creed he professes, is entitled to be judged on his worth as a man. In return 
he is bound in honor to do his best to give to every man a fair deal-for no 
man deserves more and no man shonld receive less." 

Mr. Ohainnaii, and friends; I have cliosen these 
w(n-ds from a recent public address of a prominent 
menil)er of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen 
—Theodore Roosevelt. In their spirit it will be my 
endeavor to speak to you today. 

But first I must tell you how grateful I am to be 
here in this beautiful rose-bowered city— where years 
aiio I plaved away the short, sweet hours of child- 
hood. oVer half the allotted span of life has passed 
since then— and wonderful things the years have 
wrought. To see Bortland once more, and in all the 
glory\vith which Nature and Man have endowed her 
Ts indeed a privilege; but to be permitted to meet 
with vou in recognition of LaV)or's holiday is privi- 
lege coupled with honor. I wish that I could meet 
the obligation the occasion imposes. But the life of 
a country editor-humlde though it be-is a busy 
one, and 1 liave found but scant leisure to do justice 
to my theme. Be patient with me, therefore, if I 
fail to measure up to this splendid opportunity. 

A few days ago a distinguished citizen of my 
state (Mr. Borah) talked to you al)out "The Tyranny 



t4 
of Graff — the dishonesty that has heeu shown to 
exist in hi*ih phices. But there is a form of tryanny 
fraiiiiht with far more of menace to the American 
])eoi)k' and their ,i;overnment— it is the Des])otism of 
Power. True, there is error in the pul)lic service, 
but its existence and its abolition will be nolhinu; 
more than incidents in the history ol' the Ivep.iblic; 
To soh-C'the problem of the abuse of jiower will 
\)i to insure th-' irii)pin"ss of its i)eoil ', 

INSPIKAITON OF K()0-^EVELT\S EXAMPLE. 

It is in tlu> nature of man to follow exani])le 
when he will not ,ii;ive heed to pirec(^])t, a'ld it re- 
joices me todav to know that the American citizi n 
has continually Ixd'ore him— a pillar of (doud by d;)y 
and a pillar of lire by ni^ht— the life and cliaractrr 
of the noblest amon;Li: livinji; men — the President of 
the United States. He it is who says, "Each Anie-- 
ican IS entitled to lie judj;ed on liis worth as a num.''' 
He it is who says, "Every man deserves a fair deal — 
neitiier more nor less.'" These are the truths tint 
Power is denyii^i!; in practice, but which < v( r a 
millicm American workinunien are bandcMl toj:;etlK r 
to defend. 

It \vas the "P>ird of A\'oir' who said; "()ii, it is 
excellent to have a i^iant's strenuth, Imt it is tyr:iii- 
nous to use it bke a i;iant.'" Ihe j.ower \\lii( h i^dd 
confers does not jjossess the cdiaracter o'' beiiev 
olence. True, there liave iiave been instances 
wdierein men have accpiired ])()wer and used it gently, 
but they are as rare— and as r(d'reshini:; — as the 
i-howers that come in summer. The abuse of ])ower 
is the rule, and it is the abuse of i:ower v,hi{his 
!^ivin,<;' the people concern. 

The (juarrel is not so niiudi with the man who 
has power as with the conditions which bestow it. 
The system which makes tlie Juxppiness and well- 
being of thousands subject to the caprice of an in- 



dividual, or un associcitiou of individuals, is wrontr, 
and to assist in diilusina; this power amonii the 
people should be the ambition of every man, whether 
in private or in pul)li(; life. 

ELEMENTS OF NATIONAL GREATNESS. 
My friends, a nation is ureat, not accordin.i; to 
the number of wars in which it has fought and won, 
nor yet in the extent of its dominions, but in the 
number of th*^ independent and contented homes 
over which the banner of its protection waves. 
There are many— very many— of such homes in this 
land today, l)ut there are many— far too many in- 
deed— standing in the sliadow of a great fear. They 
are the homes of those whose happiness depends 
upon the uncertain will of evil men who are estal)- 
lished in the power that springs from privilege— men 
wdu) have abused the powder that the people in folly 
gave them and that the i)eople in their matured wis- 
dom must take away. 

My brothers, I have not come to you witli a mes- 
sage of pessimism. One cannot l)reat]ie the free air 
of Idaho's glorious valleys and not catch the sun- 
shine in his life; so when I say to you that there are 
great wrongs to be righted in this land we love so 
well, I would have you know that I believe they can 
be and will be righted— righted by the genius, and 
in the wrath if need be, of him who is greater than 
all the crowned sovereigns that have been or are— 
your brother and mine— the American citizen. 
THE MISUSE OF WEALTH. 
Ours is a government designed to establish man 
in the fullness of liberty, and its people will not be 
shackled in mind or in industry, because shackles 
strong enough for that purpose have never yet been 
forged. 

But they are a patient nation, tiie American 
people. Conscious of the strength of a race of 
giants, they have elected to remain gentle under 



i6 

provocation to strike, and strike liard. But lie who 
says they are afraid does not read their history 
arijLiht. 

There are iive men in this country today who, 
actinti; in concert, could stop the wheels of industry 
and l)rinj; al)out the desolation that follows panic. 
True, theydon't do it— it wouldn't pay in dollars and 
cents just now. But the power is theirs— the power 
that the people must regain. It does not alter the 
condition any to say that one of these nu^n is a prom- 
inent member of the Baptist church; tlie cliurch lung 
ago found him a burden. It does not subtract anything 
from the danger to say that another of these power- 
enthroned men is erecting free libraires of marble 
and granite. In the eyes of Laljor these are but 
monuments ottered by a stricken conscience to tlie 
martyred toilers of Hoinestead and Lattimer— mar- 
tyrs to the Despotism of Bower. 

''Every man is entitled to l)e judged by his 
fellows on his worth as a man.'' .ludgment of these 
men according to this precept would ])ron()unce them 
the saddest failures of which our history can testify. 
Vested with ])ower enoiigli to nuike countless thou- 
sands liap])y, they have repeatedly answered the 
appeals of their workingmen for l)etter wages and 
time to taste the joys of life, l)y introducing their 
helpless women and chihlrtMi to the terrors of starva- 
vation, From servile courts they have wrung the 
brutal injunction, and with tlie fruits of Labor's toil 
])urchased legislation to keep tlieniselves in ])ower — 
then asked ai)i)lause for erecting schools that the chil- 
dren of the poor are not jjermitted the leisure to 
attend, and for lilling li))raries with books that they 
do not know liow to read. 

Oh, the soul-destroying l)es])otism of Bower — 
cruel beyond the chambers of tlie Inquisiiion — d(^fy- 
ing in its arrogance the peojjle and the laws of the 
United States. Let us do the citi^ien's part to break 
jt's rule forever. 



(UlINESE EXCU.rSlON. 

1 rejoice tliat the Despotism of Power tloc^s not 
rest so heavily upon the men and women of tlie 
iiolden west as ui)on the toiU>rs ol' the eastern states. 
Life in this Eden-hmd <:ives an interi)retation to Lib- 
erty that they liave not exiierienced and therefore 
cannot understand; Init in the great struggle that 
engages tliem they have the right to expect help 
from you. 

And the time will come, and come quickly, when 
you will n(HMl their help to preserve America for the 
American ])<M)i)le. It has long been one of the 
unholy ambitions of the L)es])otisni of Power to 
throw open the i)ortals of the republic to the pagan 
hordes of the ('liinese empire. 

You all l!av(> reason to know what that would 
mean to American labor and to American institu- 
tions. Yet under the hypocritical pretext that to 
continue to exclude (diinese from this country will 
be to forfeit our trade with (!hina, the Despotism of 
Power decdares that the bars must come down. 
It spoke through a national gathering here the 
other day— spoke cowardly and to the shame of the 
states represent(Hl. 

Put th(> time will soon be at hand b)r American 
labor to speak and when it comes it will say in thun- 
der tones that will reverberate through every cor- 
ridor of the Nation's cajjitol, that the iiepublic's 
sacred soil shall never beconu' a haven for a race of 
men who do not want to call it "home;'' that be- 
cause manhood, and not the dollar, is the standard of 
value in measuring greatness— we do not want, and 
will not have, the trade of China if it brings the 
labor of ('hina with it. 

E(H'AI^ SUEFPvA(U^]. 
Do you ask me liow the Despotism of P'ower 
must.be overthrownV Brothers, I believe in the bal- 
]Q^_t]ie easiest weapon to use, and the one wea])on 



i8 
of which Power stands in deadly fear. Use it, 
workers of ()reii;on, but first join hands. 

And 1 believe that the ballot should l)e in the 
hands of every American woman. There is no phase 
of existence that woman has not brightened, and 
the American political system will become free from 
tarnish and take on lustre whenever woman is estab- 
lished in the elective franchise. Years ago we struck 
the word "man" from the constitution of my stare, 
and every election day since then has seen the hus- 
bands and wives, the fathers and mothers of Idaho 
traveling hand in hand in the steadfast ways of citi- 
zenship. And we would not return these wives and 
mothers of Idaho to subjection any more than we 
would take the other steps backward into barbarism. 
The happy experience of^ the past few years has ren- 
dered us proof against ridicule — and the false doc- 
trine of the superiority of man. When men say to 
us that the ballot degrades womanhood— but they 
don't say that to the men of Idaho; It wouldn't be 
well with them if they did. 

The state that extends suffrage to its women 
simply creates a new opportunity to do good— the 
kind of good that the American woman always does 
for the American home. 

Better laws and truer men to administer them; 
cleaner politics and ])etter schools. The home a 
more powerful factor at the polls than ever before — 
these are a few of the blessings that eciual suifrage 
has brought to Idaho —every one of them a con- 
vincing argument for the freedom of the wcjmen of 
Oregon. Give them the i)all()t, my brothers, and 
you will double your strength for the impending 
struggle with Power. 

REMEDY IN THE BALLOT. 

Yes, the workers of this country will come into 
their own through the ballot box, and through the 
ballot box alone. Thev will obey the laws as they 



19 
fiml them but cluiiia;e them wlien they are wroiiii;. 
Power prefers to obey the hnvs it pleases to ol)ey— 
and break tlie others at will. But examples set by 
Power will not remain very louii;. Each day is de- 
velopm.ii; stroiiii' men in the public service — men so 
stroiiii that they are demanding ol^edience to the law 
alike from the hovel and the palace. The proper 
employment of the ballot will develop more of 
them. Then the Despotism of Power will pass 
forever. 

LABOR LEGISLATION. 

This is the word of counsel that I would leave 
with you today; Do let not let the superficial tliiniz;s 
of life blind your eyes to the thini^s substantial. 
Men with the reins of ])o\ver in their hands will try 
it, either directly or through their minions in Con- 
gress. Don't be deceived. When your Clongressman 
talks to you about a larger navy or the dual tarilf, 
remind him tluit a national employers' liability l)ill 
will 1)0 on the calendar as "unfinished business'" the 
coming session and ask him what he intends to do 
about it. He may l)e endeavoring to keep a sinking 
bark afloat on the comfortless ocean of political em- 
inence l)y stopping the leaks with the doctrine of 
class hatred. When lie lies to you al)Out your home 
being in danger of Mormon invasion, tell him that 
you are willing to take care of your own homes — and 
remind him that he will lind a national 8-hour 
measure pending in ( -ongress wiiich is designed to 
give you two hours more each day in which to do it. 
Then if he fails to perforin your will, replace him 
with some one else. There are men among your citi- 
zens who are l)rave enough and eloquent enough to 
stand up on the iloors of Congress and tight the bat- 
tles of the peotde; send them to represent you. 

SOCIAL VALUE OF LN ION ISM. 

Shall I add a word of testimony regarding the 



institution of labor luiionisni? During; tlio yoars 
thut I luive lield niernlicn'slii]) in organiz(?(l labor I 
have always found patriotism to be its invigoratin;;' 
principle. It delights me to contemplate the splen- 
did work for human society that it has done and is 
continually strivinii to do. In every struggle to 
l)lace the race of man upon higher ground labor 
unionism is always in the vanguard, battling with 
courage and devotion as honor shows the ^\■ay. It 
has not always Avon — but all of its victories hav;^ 
been for civilization and for peace, and tlie good that 
it is doing today we can neither measure nor comi»re- 
hend; Vfe do know that it is speeding the coming 
day when the Despotism of Power shall be "as a 
tale that is told" and the common rights of man 
established forevermore. 

This is the whole of the mission of man and the 
only excuse for government. It may not l)e in our 
generation, l)ut we will live in the faith that the 
time will come when the citizen shall lie judged, not 
l)y his goods, or his lands, or his dollars, but "on liis 
worth as a man.'' And when that day comes, a re- 
view of the ages that have gone, (u- a forcast of 
those that are to be, shall not tell of a i)eople so 
righteous in their [)ractice of justice- so hajjpy in 
their homes, 



Steunenberg^ 



Weiser, Idaho, January 5th, 1906. 

In a urave tliat will he sacred I'orever Frank 
StciHieiiberii lies buried. Tlie State that loved liiin 
is bowed down with sorrow — but the i^reat coiiipauy 
ci' the luiinortals has welcomed a deathless spirit. Of 
wonderful laith is Ijjo man who (htes not question, 
"Vv'liy was he taken/' It all belongs to the things 
that are hidden from hununi vision not to be re- 
vealed until '"the mists have rolled away." 

Head and shoulders above any man who has 
adorned this state was Steunenberg. Great in heart 
and in mind, he \Nas even greater in his inflexible 
])ur[)ose. He was gentle, and he was kind, but none 
did him the wrong to say that he was afraid. When 
the ominous rumble of the gatliering storm made 
others trend)le he turned his face toward it and let 
it I)reak upon him in its awful fury. Through it all 
he remained steadfast — erect and majestic. He con- 
quered every enemy save the (ireat Destroyer, yet 
not even Death could sink a furrow in his noble 
brow. 

He has fallen, and Idaho suffers— but the bene- 
diction of God falls npon the people of the state 
v,]iose soil his martyrdom has consecrated. 

Frank Steunenberg — governor of Idaho — friend 
()[' labor — champion of order — defender of religions 
liberty — "Hail, and farewell." 



Thomas Jefferson. 

Response to the Toast, "Thomas Jefferson," Delivered at the 
Banquet of the Boise Democratic Chib, Boise, Ida,, April 2, 1905, 

Mr. Toastmaster and Fellow Citizens: I almost 
said "fellow democrats." It would have been a 
natural mistake would it not? 'Tis not easy to for- 
get the days of "Auld Lanj;- tSyne," and I must ex- 
press to you the regret that I feel because to call 
you "fellow-democrats is no longer possible. In a 
battle of ideas we became separated and the end of 
the conflict found me outside of the democratic 
breastworks. The invitation to be present tonight 
may bear testimony to the complacency with which 
you view our present political relations, or it may 
indicate that my absence from the ranks, not being 
of consequence, passed unnoticed. Since neither 
of these reasons would be especially flattering to my 
vanity you will understand why I fail to find satis- 
faction in the contemplation of either. 

Seriously, gentlemen, I am mindful of the com- 
Ijliment implied, and grateful for the invitation to 
be here. Somehow I feel at home — as much at home 
as ever — -and perhaps it is because we are here in the 
name of Jefferson; for we are a Jeff'ersonian 
people and ours is a Jeflersonian government. 

The American citizen who cannot subscribe to 
the principles which Jefferson pursued in life, and 
upon which his right to immortality rests, cannot 
defend a republican form of government; while t 
applaud his name is to applaud the truths to which 



25 
lie gave expression — ^the truths, which if aiJi'licd to 
the prol^lems of today would secure the full measure 
of justice to the American people. 

A composite American was Thomas Jell'erson, 
and whatever his hand found to do he did as Ijecame 
an American citizen. Farmer, scientist, architect, 
inventor, scholar, lawyer, statesman, philosopher — he 
was victorious in each and all, yet in his modesty he 
desired to be remembered as the "Founder of the 
University of Virginia."' How he loved the Amer- 
ican Republic, and how he rejoiced as it gathered 
strength. To him it was more enchanting than ro- 
mance and far more gratifying than any realized 
ambition that man ha<l ever known. 

Fie was not a soldier, the man Jefferson, but in 
a battle of intellects he took delight — and rar<^ly 
was his cause defeated. To those over wdiom he 
triumphed he was in turn ''a transparent fraud," "a 
corrupt and dangerous man," and ''a blind zealot 
leading his country to destruction." But he soared 
above the l)attle of personalities and the storm raged 
beneath him; his conquests were in the war of ideas. 
He made a fight for religious liberty — and lost for 
the time being; but that same prophetic instinct 
which enabled him later to look into the future and 
see the waves of the Pacific ocean kissing an Amer- 
ican shore, enabled him then to look down the com- 
ing years and behold his countrymen free in their 
worship of God. 

To Jefferson belongs the credit for planning the 
greatest battle that has ever been waged in any age 
or clime — the struggle for the rights of man. We 
are in the midst of that conllict now and Jefferson 
has shown us the way to victory; for the principles 
of citizenship, whicli were t}>e beginning and the end 
of his every thought and aspiration, can keep the 
republic pure. 

Then what will we do with Jefferson? 

Yes, this is the question we must meet; not 



24 

what do we we think of JeH'er.^on. l)ut what will we 
do with his plan of battle? The strugirle for the 
rights of man is not over; religious prejudice has not 
passed away; the vampire of privilege is sapping the 
life-l)lood of the people; then what will we do with 
Jeli'erson? 

Gentlemen, I Ijelieve that this nation is equal to 
every emergency; 1 believe that tlie American 
people are equal to the Standard Oil company and 
its brutal power; 1 believe that American patriotism 
is vigorous enough to docdare that neither in tliis 
generation nor in any that shall come will the 
Temple of American Lib'crty be converted into a 
Palace of Mammon. 

My friends, we do well to honor this great man 
tonight. He is yours and mine and lie belongs to 
the friend of freedom everywhere. True, his life 
had its inconsistencies — even as ycuirs and mine — yet 
in the great purpose that possessed liim; in his devo- 
tion to the highest interests of mankind, he Avas 
grandly consistent. And that is wiiy the memories 
that gather about the quiet heights of Monticelh) are 
more precious to the human race than any dust that 
was ever treasured in the "storied urn"" of hmuau 
greatness or the guarded sepulchers of kings. 



The Student^s Mission. 

An Address Delivered to the vStudents of the State Xorrual 
.School, Lewistoii, Idaho, l\Iay 4th, 1904. 

Ladies and gentlemen; 

Education mean.s i)rei)arati()n I'or life, l)ut it 
also mean_s more of life's responsibilities. The 
higher a man is placed above his fellows by educa- 
tion the greater is his obligation toward them. Op- 
portunity opens the gates of learning to the few 
while closing theni against the multitnde. The man, 
therefore, to whom opportunity has been kind in this 
regard would be ungrateful indeed did he em])loy 
her gifts against the less fortunate. 

Perhaps in the Normal more than in other insti- 
tutions of learning the student's ambition is service. 
To him education is not an end in itself, for he is 
fitting himself to meet the future seriously — lifting 
himself to prepare our girls for sovereignty in the 
sacred realm of home, and our boys for the majest}^ 
of American citizenship. We can no more measure 
the consequen.ces of the teacher's devotion upon the 
destinies of mankind than we can bound the uni- 
verse of God. 'Iruly tlie teacher's ambition is worth 
while. 

Problems greater than the race have hitherto 
conquered are to be solved in the Twentieth century; 
greater than any who solve them and receive the 
plaudits of mankind will be those who prepare the 
way. 

"Go forth and concjuer the world,'' is often the 



26 

injunction directed at the stud -lit about to leave his 
school; "Go forth and serve the world," is better. 
'"Conquer the world," and "Tiie survival of the 
fittest" are sentences we would do well to forget. 
They are too common in the history of barbarism. 

The world is generous with advice. Its creeds 
have l)een telling the student — and the rest of us — 
for centuries to "be good." This counsel, also is 
worthy of revision. To ])e g iod is well, but to "be 
good for something" is l)etter pliilosophy and equally 
good morals. 

To be virtuous is not enough; progress demands 
action. The past is strewn with the wrecks of 
nations that applauded good morals Ijut would not 
work. 

Tliere are those who would discourage education 
and contend that it has ruined some of the greatest 
nations. The fault lay in the application. To dis- 
courage education is of course, to applaud ignorance. 
Ignorance conciuers sometimes through labor, but it 
is possible to labor and learn at the same time. 
Russia has become mighty in ignorance, but an edu- 
cated Japan will determine her destiny. 

We have spoken of problems confronting the 
world today and which tlie century will overcome. 
One of the greatest of them is the labor question. 
Where do the rights of the master end and the rights 
of the servant begin? Tlie strike and the lockout, 
tlie blacklist and the boycott, all mean l)itterness and 
sorrow, and they destroy energy and substance of 
which the world stands in need. What shall be the 
end of it all? The men and women of tomorrow 
must answer. 

Another of these problems ig poverty — a far 
more vital problem than has yet been solved: 

There is sunshine enough for all and yet there 
are children who are forced to spend their pathetic 
lives in the city's sombre shadows. Why? 



27 

There are idle flour mills and there are empty 
stomachs. Why? 

There are idle cotton and woolen mills and there 
are ragged men and women. Why? 

There are idle coal mines and shivering children. 
Why? 

There are warehouses full of shoes and there are 
hare feet. Why? 

What is the problem? To ecjualize these ex- 
tremes; to hring the shoes and the bare feet to- 
gether; to make this world tolerable for those who 
Hnd it cruel. And for those who do these things 
there await the plaudits of mankind. 

These problems are born of the ambition for 
gold. iVlen crave power and worship dollars just 
now, but the world needs kindness and is waiting 
the coming of justice. 

Yes, the world is a fertile field and it needs the 
student's endeavor. 



The West and Chinese Exclusion. 

An Address Delivered Before the National Immigration Con- 
ference, at Madison Square Garden, New York, Dec. 8tli, 1905. 

"Tlie preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the re- 
publican model of government, are staked on the experiment entnusttd to the 
American people." 

Mr. ChainiKin ami geiitlemeii; In tiie sjiirit of 
the sentiment ([noted, L'rom tlie lips of him who was 
then and is now ''first in tlie hearts of liis country- 
men/' I will, with yonr indnlii:ence, speal; Ijrielly (^f 
Chinese exclusion. 

Gentleni' n, Chinese ini mi juration and Chinese 
trade are not i^indred subjects. To assume the con- 
trary attitude toward this discussion would he to 
give l)ut slight recognition to the motives that im- 
IDelled you to gather here, and it would involve 
denial of the ideals of the people from whom I come. 
Ihe si)eahers who have suggeste<l tliat in dealing 
with Chinese immigration the government should be 
influenced by the attempt on the part of China to 
injure American commerce, propose a compromise 
between right and wrong — and this nation is not 
given to settling moral (juestions on the basis of ex- 
pediency. 

The people oi the great commonwealth vvhich it 
is my rare privilege, in part, to represent are ex- 
pecting this convention to pass resolutions today call- 
ing upon Congress to crystalize the will of American 
citizenship into law; They ask you to demand that 
every American port t)e kept closed to Chinese 



29 

immigrants-leavint^ Chinese trade to MUnx the line 
of least resistanee. 

It is the testinienv ot history that cheap labor 
promotes social d.i^eneracy and national dei^rada- 
tion, and yet it ^^■as not a great ^:h\\e ago t m a 
well known master of transportation (James J HUl) 
stated that what this country needs is cheap labor. 
But I make bold to say that the problem is not now 
to secure laborers in foreign lands who will work lor 
less than the prevailing wages, but how to secure 
better wages for the laborers who are already here. 
The West' does uot claim to have a solution for this 
nr(ddem l)ut it has reason to know that the free ad- 
mission of Chinese labor would postpone its scdution 

indeiinitely. 

Ml. Chairman, I have been re.p.ested to present 
to this convention petitions by several thousand 
citizens of the West, representing practically every 
occupation engaging our P-V>1- These pet>tn^s 
protest against a^y modilh-ation of the existing Ch- 
nese exclusion laws. This is one subject upoii which 
the West is united and in deadly earnest. Hie gen- 
tlemen who charge us with ^-'^--^^'''y'^'^''''Zs 
prehend how in.portaut it is to the Republic that t Is 
liuestion be settled right-and they impugn the 
motives of men whom it is plain they do not undei- 
stand. 

O.utlen.en .>f the c-onventinn, the West yields 
tu ,„. seeti..n ot this hxn.l in the virtues ,.f chant> 
.„d tolerance, but you n.,st not ask ns tu subscnbe 
to a philosophy that promises 'legradat.on to A n . 
ican inaustry, or practice a code ot ethics that u - 
,,,.,]. the lirst law ot nature. We agree with on 
latthi nation nuist deal justly with all others, but 
ou; on the I.u.,i.. sl,d.e we have learned tat eveij 

time the gate of opportunity swings open to a iAn- 
nese lab.nev it closes in the face of an AnnTiean c t_ 
i^en- We have been taught by a .learly purchased 



30 
experience that Chinese inimiiiration holds for ns 
notiiin,i>; that is good, while it contains possibilities 
for evil that no man can measnre. And, gentlemen, 
yon must admit, with ns, that this repul)lic owes no 
debt to any nation l)eneath the sun that requires 
payment in tlie stability of American industry or in 
the iiappiness of the American people. 

We are opposed to aiiy modilication of existing 
laws on this subject— and "modification" constitutes 
the whole program of China. Ciiinese diplomacy is 
a sul)tle science that hides infinite menace in simple 
words. A few days ago the Chinese Minister to 
Washington appealed to the government for a more 
liberal interpretation of the exclusion laws. He 
asked that the bars be let down to the professions, as 
they are now down for students and travelers. But 
we of the ^,West know the Chinese character— as 
nearly as it is possible to know the inscrutable ^and 
the contradictory — and we see the hidden danger in 
that word "professions." We have learned that the 
destination of the Chinese "traveler'' is nearly 
always a cheap labor market, and that the brain of 
the Chinese "student" is too often located in his 
hands. This, therefore, is our will; Close such 
loopholes as now exist— and create no new ones. 

We do not find it necessary to our purpose to 
present statistics affecting the suV)ject under dis- 
cussion, or to deny that the Chinese are incensed 
because the precautions we have tal\en to preserve 
our social and industrial standards involve their 
exclusion. It is enough that lh(^ })eoi)le have re- 
solved to that efiect, for the people liave the right to 
create the standard with which to measure those who 
seek admission to the United States. 

Mr. Chairman, the man who does not think 
enough of his country to turn from his work when lie 
is needed and follow its lianners into liattle, is not 
good enough to earn American dollars or enjoy the 
protection of American laws. And it is even more 



31 
important that the nation liave men who are willing 
to help ns win victories for civilization and for peace. 
Are we not right? You answer "Yes.'' Ihen let 
us declare to the world that the Republic will extend 
the hand of welcome to no man who is unworthy to 
be crowned an American citizen. Ours is a national 
character higher than could ever have been realized 
had our ports renuiined open to the labor of China, 
and higher than we can hope to preserve if the bars 
are taken down. The American people have taken 
men from the common ranks of industry and ex- 
halted them in art, in science an<l in indusrty. In 
the common ranks of industry were found the 
saviours of the republic in the dark hours of the 
past and in that class is the hope of the republic in 
the years that are to be. Then shall these be set 
aside to j^rovide places for men from whom we may 
expect nothing save that they will sap the life blood 
of industry? Gentlemen, that is what you are asked 
to do. The man who considers it a precious privilege 
to erect a home on American soil, you are asked to 
displace with a man who does not esteem that soil 
good enough to hold his bones after he is dead. 
Idaho prefers the immigrant who craves the sunlight 
to the one who is satistied with a cellar; Idaho 
desires a part in the making of American citizens— 
but Idaho sees in the Chinese immigrant au example 
of what the American citizen will never be. 

Because the Chinese upper classes are showing 
a measure of adaptibility to the 20th century, the 
Chinese Minister would have us believe that his 
country is about to reform. But that has been the 
promise of China for 4,000 years— and China is 
deeper in degradation now than ever before. 

Now as ever the hundreds of millions of hi 
countrymen are impotent— and satisfied. Becaus 
this is true the attempt upon the part of tiie Chines 
Minister to e.^ablish a bond of fellowship between 
his countrv and ours will fail. If he is as familiar 



with our history as he shoiihl be with his own, lie 
must realize that the two nations have nothinii; in 
common. In all of the 18 proN'inces of China there 
is not a memory or a tradition connecting our past 
with theirs; no kinshii) or affection to hold us to- 
gether now. Notliiiii; that they have ever done 
kindles pride in us; Nothini;' that the American 
people have ever done kindles jjride in them. The 
ancestor of all the kingdoms of the earth, with 4,000 
years of stewardship to account for to mankind — and 
it renders back a tale of buried talents; Boasting 
of the oldest of civilizations, she has never waged a 
a battle for human lil)erty, or contributed even one 
name to the long li^t of the heroes of mankind. - A 
people without ideals, whose traditions hold them in 
the quicksands of degradation; whose language has 
no word for patriotism, and whose men deny to 
womanhood either reverence or respect. Snch is 
China and the Chinese character; Do yon marvel, 
then, that we have not provided a place for them in 
our plans of Western progress? Will you not agree 
with us that they do not belong there? Then say 
with us, that Americans and Chinamen must not 
be placed side by side in the ranks of industry— not 
because we hate the Chinaman—but because dearer 
to us than the interest of any other peo[)le is the 
welfare of the native and adopted sons of this, our 
common country. 

1 have given you the message that 1 was com- 
missidiied to deliver. 

Mr, Chairman, and gentlemen, four days travel 
to the westward, in the section that has lirought me 
from the cradle to manhood's estate, is a strong and 
virtuous people — a people who Ijy their example are 
proving that the l)ravest of the brave days of chiv- 
alry are the days of the living ])resent. Year by 
year they are redeeming their land from the wilder- 
pess, even as their fathers before them redeemed it 
from the savage. Where but a short time ago was 



33 
tlie souiV)re grey of the barren desert there is now a 
land of iiardens. It is a hind rich as the Nile's 
storied valley, and fair as the vision that came to 
Israel as Israel dreamed of Canaan. And there iy 
bnt one cry that comes to you from the people oE 
that land of promise— it is the cry for MEN— men 
to help ns o;arner in our bountiful fields, where truly 
"the harvest is great and the laborers are fe^v;" men 
—who will help us adorn our hill tops with schools 
and dot our green valleys with homes; men— from 
whatever land or clime, of whatever race or creed- 
only that they hold American citizenship richer 
than a jeweled crown — only that they esteem an 
American home abuve ihe palace of a king. 

Give us men such as these— protect us against 
tlie scum of Asia— and we will help our countrymen 
keep the faith c(mimitted unto us by Washington; 
we will keep Indghtly l)urning on our Western high- 
lands the sacred lire of liberty, and help yon bring 
to perfection the republican model of government. 



Man and His Brothers. 

Memorial Address, Delivered Before the Elks "Lodge of 
Sorrow," Moscow, Idaho, Dec. 6th, 1904. 

My Friends and Brotliers; The Benevolent and 
Protective Order of Elks has done many things of 
which it naay well be proud: It has done nothinii; 
better than the setting apart of one dayin eachyear in 
memory of its departed; not a day of mourning, for 
the heart that mourns knows no distinction of days 
in its grief, but a day of gentle memories that shall 
l)ring forth words of loving tribute to those who have 
gone before. 

To you who have known our departed Ijrothers 
of Moscow Lodge so well, I leave tiie personal trib 
lite, for while in this great fraternity they were my 
brothers, they were aho, your fellow-citizens, and 
you who knew tliem best in life are best able to do 
them honor while my suirit does them reverence. 

Someone has said: "Death <ipens the gate of 
Fame." Newer and better is the motto of our 
Brotherhood : 

"The faults of our l)rothers we write npon the sands; 
Their virtues upon the tablets of Love and Memory," 

And why not. mv brothers? Why should it re- 
main for death to o])en the dour upon the virtues 
and close it upon the faults of tho.-e around about 
us? "Better a rose for the living than a sumptuous 
wreath for the dead." 

Tliis is the thought that comes to me today, as 



35 
we meet in memory of the friends who liave left us, 
and this is the thoniidit I wouhl k^ave witli von: 
More Ivindness toward the livinti; and less iirief for 
the dead. The dead do not need our sorrow but man 
needs kindness all the way. How mneh fairer onr 
world would l)e did we but forj^et the weaknesses of 
men in the remem))ering of their virtues. How 
prone ^^'e are to say the jienerous praise over the 
dead that we denied tliem when their lives mingled 
witii ours. 

Our fellqw-men average well in virtue, and their 
lives very largely retieet the thought we hold over 
them. Give a man your esteem and eonlidenee and 
it will l)e very difficult for him to do wrong. Sur- 
round him with suspicion and impute U^ him evil, 
and it were more ren'uirkable that he die an honest 
man than that the cannibal should possess the 
element of mercy, Let us look for and applaud the 
noble sentiments, for they were a part of the life and 
character of our absent ones — as they are present 
in every human life — and the world is not so rich but 
that it needs them all. 

"There lies in the center of each man's heart 
A longing and love for the good and pure, 
And if but an atom, or larger part, 
I tell you this shall endure; endure 
After the body has gone to decay- 
Yes, after the world has passed away." 

How ollen when dwelling upon the memory of 
loved ones who have gone do we ponder the mys- 
teries of Death and Eternity. How often do we ask 
ourselves: "Wliat is the condition we call 'DeallT— 
and is the soul ol man Immortal?" Yet how little is 
man m the presence of the Great i'rol)lems. Some of 
us hope, and some of us believe, but the secrets of 
God are safe. 

And there comes the cry from the heart of man: 
"Is there a Universal i)lan and does a Divine hand 
direct it?" And from everv race and from every 



36 

clime the answer comes: "Yes, there is a God'' — ■ 
and a thousand creeds declare Him — impute to Him 
different attriljutes and s'.n-ye Him with their own 
peculiar zeal. Yet to which among them shall we 
look for Truth, or is there somethniii; of truth in each 
and all? It' there l)e no truth save in the Christian's 
God, then which of the Christian creeds knows Him 
as He is? Is it not well for us to l)elieve that "our 
absent brothers" have known the joy of the Father's 
f^Teeting, even thouL'h the}' may have denied your 
creed and mine? Shall we not say that every man's 
faith is for him the best accordiuii; to the liiiht tluil is 
his. For ought we know we know its precepts may 
1)0 as dear to him as were the "Songs of Zion" to tlie 
banislied Jews who wept by the rivers of Bal)ylon. 

Religion has been the balmOf the human race in 
all lands and in all ages, and whatever form it may 
assume to them, it has sustained the ones who were 
blood of these, our departed, even as it sustains 
them now. The incense to "The Unknown God'' of 
centuries long gone and the reverence given tc^lay 
to the gentle Galileean, are essentially one and the 
same, in the cause and in the ellect. 

Keligious liberty is one of the sacred rights of num. 
We are not often willing to admit it— but a far better 
world would it be if we did not invade the conscience 
of him whose faith is other tliaii ours. Every Pro- 
testant dwelling upon the i)lan of Salvation; every 
devoted disciple of the Prophet Joseph; every 
Catholic kneeling at the sacred Cross of Clirist; 
every Christian Scientist exalting the power of the 
Mind Divine, and every independent wor^^hipper, 
accepting no creed of whatever origin — our Brother- 
hood says thatjill are right according as they believe 
and are satisfied, and who shall say there is not given 
to every one a glimpse of tlie great white light that 
|)eats on the throne of God. 

"The Kingdom of God is within us." Tlie man 



37 
who is kind to children and gentle in the presenc eot' 
women; who linds joy in the service of his fellow- 
men and who will not seek liis own gain at other's 
loss— he is it wiio comiiels the respect and approba- 
tion of ns all, and "Though he walk throngh the 
valhy of the shadow of Death''- as have walked 
these honored of '249— to him will no evil come. 

We all honor the lives of men who practice 
justice. "Honesty is commended— and starves," 
said a K(nnan satirist, bnt he lived hmg ago-and 
the world is better now than then; so mnch better 
that an honest man is not only "the noldest work of 
God," V)ut he is our children's example and the 
object of man's reward. Such a man is the truly 
happy one in these dawning hcmrs of the new century, 
and after death lie is more than a gossip's tale; 
"While Albions' sons weep 'oer the patriot's urn 
And lightly tread where rests their sacred dust, 
They see unnumbered lamps of glory burn^ 
Around the sculptured marble of the just.'' 

My brothers, there is much of significance in an 
occasion such as this-signihcance for you and for 
me, and for the living everywhere. We remember 
our absent ones today as they were wcmt to hold 
fellowship with us, but we recall nothing save what 
was good and amial>le in their lives. Upon the sands 
we hTive written their failings-and the waters of 
Charity have washed them away. Not the goal of 
their life's endeavor do we speak today, bnt of the 
words of kindness and the noble deeds that they left 
along the way. Whether they followed the lead of 
Fortune, or Fame or Pow-er matters not now neither to 
us nor to them. We follow, as did they, the l)eckoning 
of white-robed Ambition, yet naught is worth while 
when Death shall come save to l)e remembered for 
the graces for which we rememl-er then-. To you 
andtome the summons must come, and in a few 
short years at best. For the loved ones who re- 
main behind this great Brotherhood will temper the 



3S 

sorrow, and with Love's soft radiance illumine 
their darkened lives. And when we jio we will not 
say "farewell forever," for m the sunset glow of 
Life's eventide there will come a fair vision of tlie 
Future's sky: 

"P'or I l)elieve that wlien tliis life iuis ended 
And every shadow of its care has lied : 

When all of those v/ith whom our souls have lilended. 
Have sunk to rest with those whom we call dead- 

"Tluit in that land beyond tlie mystic river, 
Absolved of error and devoid of pain. 

Blessed by the bountv of the mighty giver, 
A brighter life shall dawn for us again; 

"That there the l)ruised heart that well nigh perisiied, 
Beneath its load of suffering ami wrong, 

Sustained by Faith and by x\[fecrion cherished, 

Shall thrill the Heavens with its giateful song. 

"That there tlie stricd^en souls wlio vainly waded. 
O'er Hope's dead sea, but could not reach the shore. 
Sfiall find their trusting ones with love unfaded, 
No longer lost, but only gone l^efore."' 



The Dividends of Journalism. 

An Address Delivered Before tl:e National Editoria Associa- 
tion, Hot Springs. Ark., April 19th, i'.^.02. 

We are told tliat one, "Alphoiise, the Wise," 
somewhere Ijiick in history, said: "Had I been 
])resent at tlie Creation I would have ii;iven some 
valuable hints for the better orderinj;- of the 
universe. '' 

The n)an is hard to lirid who does not cherish the 
thouiiht that, were lie called upon to do so, he 
could materially improve and dignify the calling of 
journalism. He nuiy be too discreet to say so; Init 
it he is an enthusiast, as the successful man of any 
profession must of necessity l)e, he feels that he 
knows how to make things a little better. 

JSIor can we be sure that in this there is anything 
to his discredit. Allot the marvelous evolution in the 
realm of journalism haa had its inspiration in the 
brain of individuals. All progress is born of ideas, 
and ideas are not collective in their inception. 

It is a fortunate thing that men do not hesitate 
to advance new suggestions along the line of im- 
provement in journalism, through fear that their 
ideas may be wrong. The great majority of ideas 
fail to bear fruit, but out of the total there come the 
truths necessary to the architecture of all im- 
provement. 

Nothing can extinguish the electric spark of a 
newly discovered truth, and if from the total of the 
ideas advanced at this convention there is revealed, as 



4o 
there surely will be, aught that will go to eiiibellisll 
tlie grandest of the pursuits of men, it will matter 
but little from whom it comes. It will matter l)ut 
little but whose the the chall' or whose the elusive 
kernel. Truth rests upon itself; not upon the 
eminence or ol:)scurity of lie who advances it . 

The men who made the modern newspaper 
possible were idealists. All men are idealists to a 
greater or less degree, but there is more of the ideal 
and less that is mercenary in the story of the 
triumphs of journalism than in that of any other 
profession. 

But this is not intended to mean that men have 
pulished newspapers from motives of ideality alone 
and without regard to dividemls paid in the "coin 
of the realm." Men have made money in journal- 
ism but they would have made more of it with the 
same energy in almost any other of the professions. 
The dividends of jouriuilism have been chiefly 
paid in the progress and happiness of the people — a 
very satisfactory kind of profit. 

The success of a newspaper is not, n(n" never has 
been, determined by the money it has earned. A 
newspaper ''pays'' in the proportion that it inspires 
the people to new achievemments — and the news- 
papers of this country have paid handsomely. This 
is the highest possible tribute. 

It must be admitted, and with regret, that, 
while there is no interruption to the triumphs of the 
art of printnig, there is a pronounced tendency in 
some ([uarters to sul)stitute a new motto for the one 
that has hung in the editorial room so long. 

It is not remarkable that the headlong rush for 
gold should have involved the profession of journal 
ism to a cosiderable degree; but this is a fleeting 
phase and he is indeed a pessimist who thinks that 
money will ever be able to stifle the clarion voice 
of the press as a whole. Our national ^character will 



4t 
goon lose its prestige and its glory when that which 
is written to influence the public mind conies from 
the l)usiness ofllce. 

We will hope and believe that that time will 
not come. The press has become respectable in pro- 
portion as it has become free; it has paid too much 
for freedom before tlie law to now surrender to the 
l)ondage of wealth. Now more than ever before it 
is the mouthpiece of the people and at the same time 
the people's one Universal Academy of Truth. 

For nearly all that keeps in us permanently and 
effectually, tlie spirit of liberty and tiie public good 
we must look to the unrestrained and vigorous 
energies of the press. This is the only kind of 
journalism in which there is profit. If a man seeks 
selfish pleasure and personal gain alone he will 
hardly find it in the rewards of journalism. 

The supreme work of the journalist is progress 
and reformation. It has always been so; and the 
journalism which departs from this line of endeavor 
to champion, for a price, the cause of the enemies of 
government and social order, very soon ceases to be 
iiitluencial in the process of mouhling public 
opinion.'' With each succeeding day it is becoming 
more difficult to lead the people from the paths of 
rectitude. Their opinions will not be "moulded ^' 
wrong unless they are Jnclined wrong, and that is 
why subservient journalism is weak, e^en as a re- 
tarding force. 

Justice is the standing policy of modern society, 
speaking as a whole. This very desire on the part of 
the people makes it easy for the press to indicate 
the right and champion it, and it makes it very 
difficuft for the press to be effectually seductive,. 

It is not a reproach to journalism that evil 
exists, but that any'portion of it:should be defended 
for do'llars andY-ents. The dividends are paid by the 
newspapers that attack and seek the overthrow it 



42 

in the naiiie of the peopio, Tho names of their 
editors will live in the gratitude of posterity. 

Tlie art of piintiii<i; has been one of the greatest 
blessings of mankind — ^because it has been the 
language of truth. Gold has very often assailed 
but never has it prevailed. Other tilings tlian money 
have tried to stil]e the voice of the people and the 
press in the past, and iiave always failed. Even 
governments have tried it and gone down. Truth 
was born to live. 

The man who invented the printing press did 
more tlian that; he made democracy inevitable. 

"One man is helpless in the struggle with 
injustice," said an editor not long ago. "1 have 
decided that it is folly to ])reach lemonstrace to 
the people for the great majority must always be 
submerged anyhow." 

Submerged in what? In obscurity? Yes — 
obscurity is relative; but submerged in misery? No. 
A man may be submerged in obsucrity and in 
happiness , at the same time and his position be a 
just one; but the contention that society can rest on 
Justice and the obscure be submerged in poverty is 
false. To preach remonstrance is not folly. It was 
remonstrance which so long preserved the liberties 
of Geneva, and it has done more than anything else 
to maintain our own. Something is responsible when 
the gates of opportunity are closed. Let the editor 
say so and preach a pure doctrine; let him spend his 
energy trying to make the world better and he will 
make it better. There is nothing ([uite so profitable 
as the invstment of a noble injluence. 

It is the mission of journalism to help the peo- 
ple abolish any condition in society or in government 
by which the greatest good to the greatest number is 
defeated. The substitution of fraternalism for strife 
will be the next great attainment of the human race; 
for what conceivable prol)lem can we poor mortals 



45 

have to solve but to make ourselves, as a people, as 
good, and therefore as happy, as p()ssil)le. The 
journalist who does auiiht toward accomplishing that 
makes his newspaper pay dividends. 

So long as the press is free the people will de- 
velop more [and more of freedom; and its motive 
should !)(' to U}ake of Americans a race of earnest 
and thoughtful patriots. It can, if it will, cause the 
people to tliink— and none of liberty will he lost so 
long as the people care enough about libery to think 
about preserving it. 

The journalist who is free is powerful. His 
calling is sometimes spoken of as "The Fourth 
Estate,'' a term that should not l)e applied to 
American journalism. If it be the fourth estate, 
what are the estates that transcend it in intluence 
and in importance".^ There are none. The press 
virtually governs this nation, l)ecause public opinion 
governs it and is represented in no other way. 

The editor who pulls down the house of fraud 
and injustice; who wields the iconoclastic hammer to 
accomplish the destruction of the idols of supersti- 
tion and gold; who seeks to base his reputation upon 
the good that he can do; who employs the gifts of 
reason and the endeavors of genius to strike the 
galling shackles of prejudice and conservatism 
from the liml)s of [jrogress; that man reaps the sure 
reward of commending conscience aud his newspaper 
pays the certain dividends of enobling inlluence and 
public approbaticm. Such a man was William 
Lloyd Garrison, and such. a newspaper was Garrison's 
Liberator; such a man was Henry W. Grady, and 
such a newspaper the Atlanta Constitution. 

Men like these find the lemple of Fame— and 
al)ide there. They find it at the end of the high- 
way of Truth— and that it is not an inner <diaml)er 
of the Palace of Mammon. 

Ladies and gentlemen—followers of the pleasant 



44 
paths that traverse the golJcn (iekls of journalism— 
these, in my judgment, are some of its dividends; 
paid in a coin that will pass current here, and 
throughout the long tomorrow on the other and 
brighter side of Death's dark valley. 



The Americsn Citizen. 

"University Oration," Delivered at the Commencement Ex- 
ercises of the University of Idaho, Moscow, June 7th, 1904. 

"The home is the true altar of liberty, ajid the enlightened conscience of 
the citizen the best guarantee of government." 

These words were addressed to the societies of 
the Ijiiiversity of Virgnaiia, in 1889, by Henry W. 
Grady, and in their spirit 1 will endea\'or to speak to 
you tonii;'ht. 

Mr. President, ladies and i:;entleinon; xit the be- 
iiinnitii;' let nie make known to you my gratitued for 
this cordial greeting, and at the same time confess to 
tlie diffidence it is prehaps natural I should feel in 
this presence. 

Something like ten years ago I wrote from my 
Montana home for a catalogue of the University of 
Idaho. It was then my desire to receive in these 
halls that endowment which is your rich possession, 
and although the amV)ition of my boyhood could not 
be realized, I am today as proud of this splendid 
institution as any of you who have been dowered 
from her vaults of priceless treasure. With you I 
am proud of her position among the Western seats of 
learninig, and with you I am proud of the men and 
women she has sent to win honor in the world. I 
have listened to one of her talented sons in the halls 
f)f congress, and I have iningled my tears witl^ yours 



4^ 

for lier brave, who , followina; their c(^)uutry's flaii, 
have (lied under foreign skies. 

We will not soon forget that this uinversity gave 
proporticmately more soldiers for the Si)aiiish- 
American war than that of any state in the union. 
They shared with their l)rave comrades of Idaho's 
volunteers the glory of |that immortal charge at 
Santa Ana, and, whatever jiulgment history may 
render ii])on the cause in which they fought, you 
and I, and all who live with; i the comjiass of this 
fair commonwealth, will ever preserve in memory 
the patriotsm and the deeds of valor of Idaho's 
student-soldiers 

My friends ,1 a'^k the limit rof your indulgence 
tonight. Commissioned V)y the othcers of this 
institution to speak to you in man's responsibility 
and mindful of Tthe high j)rivilege the compliment 
affords, I yet feel, as you must feel, that those whom 
the years have invested with experience are alone 
competent to meet the requirements of such an oc- 
casion. Bear with me, therefore, as I talk to you for 
a little while of the American citizen and his gov- 
ernment. 

()l)p()rtunity ever carries with it the l)urden of 
responsibility. Men of learning are of value to tlie 
state only as they have g, asped the ends of learn- 
ing. JNow, as always, much is exr)ected of him to 
whom much has l)een given, and the man does not 
live who does not owe the best of his talents to the 
society of whicli ht- is a part. And may I add that 
nowiiere in his unicn are the responsibilities of 
citzenship more fully a[ii)reciated than here in 
beautiful Idaho-- where nature is so glorious, so 
generous, and so kind; Nowhere are the supreme 
attributes of manhood given a ti'uer ex])ression; 
Nowhere do tlie graces that glorify womanhood l)eam 
with a fairer radiance. 

lo 1)e an American citizen has meant more to 
ine since I was pegnitted to take up my abode in 



47 
"The Gem of the Mountains," and it requires only a 
brief absence from my state to make the reason 
plain. Some weeks ago I had occasion to go through 
the residence section of New York, and although it 
was a pleasant Spring afternoon, I walked for over an 
hour without meeting a man or woman whose face 
was suggestive of kindness, or hearing even one 
strain of that sweetest andmost wonderful of melodies 
— the laughter of happy children. I could not but 
contrast the cold palaces before me with the humble 
homes of my beloved Idaho— where men and women 
commune with nature and the children all are happy; 
where all are rich, however humble, because none 
are poor in spirit. 

He wdio lives in these morning hours of the 
republic's second century has the heritage of 
American citizenship — a condition richer now than 
a generation ago — richer then than any human 
condition since time began. For us there is the 
inspiration of the sons of genius who conceived the 
American repul:)lic, who were its refuge and 
strength in revolution, and who eml)ellis]ied its 
every decade during the years of its rising greatness. 
And this heritage of ours is a history of brave men 
and d«votedJwomen; a chronicle far more enchant- 
ing than fancy's most golden romance; a story of 
more vital import to the human race than the record 
of any other people of any age or clime. And 
why? Bscaase the generation-^ of America have 
exalted manhood as others have exalted glory; 
because the great men of America have been ambi- 
tious that they might render service, while the 
great men of other nations have rendered service that 
they might feed ambition; because our Washingtons 
and Paines and Henrys found it luxury to struggle 
for the freedom of man, while the Caesars and 
Fredericks and Napoleons slaughtered men the for 
luxury of power. 

Is it any wonder, then, that our fathers founded the 



48 

noblest political system that adorns the world? Is it 
any wonder that there is less power in the multiplied 
thrones of Europe than in the nation whose govern- 
ment is the voice of the people? 

The virtues of men sustain close relation to the 
ideals that inspire them, and the character of a 
nation is not above the motives of its heroes. Alex- 
ander, standing at midnight and gazing at the 
heavens, was moved to tears because there were so 
many worlds to conquer and he had not conquered 
one; Washington rescued a people from the dominion 
of despotism, and declined a proffered crown for the 
higher honor of American citizenship. And because 
of the character of the motives that controlled him, 
tlie fame of Alexander, by comparison with Wash- 
ington's, is as the firefly's feelile sparkle to the steady 
lustre of the northern star. 

And it is well to remember that the greatness of 
Washington was made possible only because he was 
an assemblage of the virtues of his people — a people 
to whom the mighty pen of Thomas Paine was as a 
light that shineth in darkness, and the eloquence of 
Patrick Henry a bugle call to the enchanted plains of 
freedom. 

Tiius it has been ever with our country. Every 
danger that has threatened us since the republic's 
birth ; every movement that has added ought to the 
dignity of our national character — all liave raied up 
giants of heart and intellect to lead the way aright. 
And if they are now in the "company of the immor- 
tals, it is because there was, not alone the truth to 
inspire them, but the will of the people to impel 
them, and the love of the people to sustain them — 
even as Aaron and Hur held up the hands of Moses 
until the going down of the sun. 

The l)est monuments to the nation 'sj departed 
heroes are on every hilltop and in every valley — the 
contented homes of the American people. It is your 
piission and inji]e to keep theni free and happy, 



49 
Liberty is more difficult to preserve than to obtain, 
and we can best preserve lil)erty for ourselves l)y 
safeguarding the rights '_of others. The state that 
teaches the citizen to think and act for himself will 
the longest endure. Ihe people of the republics of 
antiquity surrendered to their rulers the power that 
made them mighty and today their descendents 
doze in degradation on classic ground. 

I am not a pessimist, my fellow citizens. My 
eyes see nothing but sunshinie ahead for Amer- 
ica. Ours is the one government of earth that 
has acciuired new strength from the tempests of 
time, and its future is now too evident to reciiiire 
assurance from any source. Standing in Virginai on 
the eve of the civil war, Daniel Voorhees saw the 
sun behind the gathering storm and declared: 
'♦There is a destiny in the pathway of this union 
such as the eyes of man never beheld, nor the heart 
of ^man conceived." To repeat those words today 
does not recpiire a prophet^s vision. 

But there is work for the American citizen of 
today -work that demands patriotism, and courage , 
and vigilant wisdom, not less than was demanded of 
the scar-honored soldiers of the past who fought for 
the [nation under the banners of its glory^ The 
nation needs now, as it needed then, the operation of 
intellects whose object is liberty and whose motive 
is justice. Problems are confronting us today upon 
the correct solution of which klepends, ^,not the per- 
manence of the republic, but the welfare of its 
people, and they will be solved l)y the genius of the 
American citizen —in the spirit of Washntion's 
farewell address. 

The government is not in danger whose people 
are awake to the responsilnlities of citizenship. The 
responsibility for the public service rests, not with the 
representatives of the people, but with the people 
themselves— and the people of this country have 



50 

ever held tluit there are no problems too profound 
for the application of the golden rule. 

With each succeeding day the conscience of the 
American citizen is becoming more enlightened, and 
i ore than ever applauding public virtue and rebuk- 
ing the unfaithful servant. There has been niore cor- 
ruption in our government at ^dill'erent times in the 
past than has recentl}^ been shown to exist. The 
condemnation is more general now, however l)ecause 
of the increased sensitiveness of the public con- 
science. The danger to free institutions suggested 
by these wrongs is more than overcome by the almost 
universal disposition to punish the guilty and to de- 
mand integrity in the administration of jiublic office. 
"The enlightened conscience of the citzen is the best 
guarantee of government.'' 

To diffuse liberty and happiness among the 
people is the beginning and the end of government; 
to give himself to the limit of his capacity for the 
advancement of this principle, the noblest aspiration 
that can possess the citizen. The prizes of life are 
the rewards of unselfishness, and the happiest of 
men are the evangels of humau brotherhod. 

After all the only things worth striviug for are 
the things for which we would wisji to l)e remem- 
bered when the dark valley is bet^veen us and the 
living. Barren indeed is life to him who has lost the 
people's respect; honored indeed is he whom tho 
people crown v- ith lanrel. 

A book has recently been pul)lished a\ liich I a\ ish 
every member of this class — and for that matter 
every citizen — mght read. It is entitled "Ihe 
Cost, "and is from the pen of David Graham Phillips. 
You will find it a deligiitiul oasis in the desert of 
modern fiction. "The Cost'' nas a message for all 
who are about to cross the college threshcdd — a 
message which, if I but possessed the ability as 1 
have the inclination, 1 would leave with you. Its 
inotive is to show by contrasting the lives of two 



51 
youiiii 111011, tluit siold is a delusive i)liaiitasin, and 
tliat tlie crown of life is character. 

The nation is safe whose citizens are contented, 
and the citizen is always contented whose country's 
laws are just. It should be our endeavor then to en- 
courafi;e every movement ordained to ligliten the 
burdens of men and women or hrighten the lives of 
children. Such movements are rarely popular, [[and 
it costs the citizen much to lend his sympathy to 
them. It is encouraging to remember, however, 
that the prorgess of mankind is l)ut a record of what 
the enlightened consceince can do wdien coupled with 
dauntless courage. "If you would be great," said 
Wendell Pliillips in an address to young men, 
"identify yourself on the side of some unpopular, 
righteous cause. " 

What a force the graduate student can l)e in the 
service ol' those above whom he has been favored. 
This is the thougt tliat I have tiied, even if in a 
disconnected way, to ijreseiit to you tonight. 

I cannot close without telling you of the regret 
that I will ever feel liecause Idaho's Tniversity is 
not my alma mater. And yet I confess that the 
sacrilice has not 1;een without its compensation. 
During the years that you haxe been garnering in 
the golden lields of science, and drinking from the 
fountains of classic literature, I have ])een mingling 
with those who bear the burdens of industry; ming- 
ling, not with the possessors of \\ ealtli, but with those 
who create it; not with those in authority, but with 
those from whom authority ccjmes. i know the ideals 
that inspire tliem and the wrongs they sutler; I know 
the love they ])ear their country and the character of 
their rugged virtues. 

Richer far than the j;(uirls of ocean those years 
that have past have lieen — the eyars that have re- 
vealed to me, as the years of the future will reveal to 
you , that in the men and women who sing the carols 
of labor— in their independence and in their self- 



. 52 

reliance — in their self-respect and in their sense of 
justice — are the elements that have made the re- 
public mighty, and that are to make its future years 
sublime. 

"Tlie citizen standing in the doorway of liis 
home — contented on his threshcihl— his family ga- 
thered about his hearthstone — while the evening of a 
well-spent day closes amid scenes and sounds that 
are dearest — he shall save the republic when the 
drum-taiJ is futile and the barracks are exhausted.'" 

That is Grady's portrait of the American citizen. 
He may be clothed in the garments of toil, l)ut his 
confidence is to be desired above the favor of kings; 
I commend him to you as your comrade in the con- 
flict of the ages — the struggle for the rights of man. 

Graduates of the University, this is a proud day 
for you, Ijut it is also a proud day for Idaho. In 
their wisdom fashioned and in their love nuxin- 
tained, this institution is very close to our people, 
and tliey want you to share with tiiem whatever the 
future may hold. Learning has not separated you 
from the loving ones at home, nor has it removed 
your atfections from the state that has endowed you. 
Hand in hand, then, let us travel the pathway of 
American citizenship until the shadows of evening 
gatlier and the laljor of man is done; hand in hand 
let us meet the problenis of today and side by side 
win tlie victories of tomorrow— the vi(t )ries that are 
to shine with exemplary splendor on tlie pages of 
Idaho's history and protract lieyond the date of am- 
bition the epoch of her glory. 



Labor and Government. 

Labor Day Address, Delivered at Boise, Idaho, vSept. 4^h, 1004. 

Ladies and (lontleinen: 

1 am proud today to <daiin citi/eiishii) in tho 
noblept state of the mightiest nation that tlie hand 
of God lias fashioned, and had I the -ift of poetry 
Idaho and her majestic mountains and crystal rivers 
w(mld ho my theme as they are now tlie altar of my 

devotion. 

A cosmop<ditan people is always tolerant and 
Boise is essentially cosmopolitan I shall, therefore, 
proceed in the confidence that you have left your 
t-us of uncertain (puility at iiome. And that 1 may 
insure to myself somethin- of applause I will l)e 

brief. 

Some years a-cTa United States Senator was in- 
vited to address the students of Ann Arbor. At- 
tached to the invitation was the condition that the 
senator say nothinii about politics. He declined the 
honor, anil, in decliniuii, took occasion to say that 
under democratic iiovernment every important 
question is a political oi.e. The invitation that 
came to me from your committee was unconditional. 
I appreciate the compliment and while I may say 
somethiniv about ptditics I will not violate the pro- 
prieties by V)eing partisan. 

That "which the arrooant commercial feudalism 
of today fears the most, is the power of union laV)or— 
not the power to strike, in defense or in aggression- 
l)ut the power of labor's ballot; the power which 



5 
enables lal)or to elect a democratic mayor in a re- 
puljlican city or to send into oblivion a democratic 
congressman who votes to make of this country a 
haven for Mongolian labor. 

I once belonged to a labor organization that 
applauded the sentiment, "keep the union out of poii- 
tiics." That organization is dead, I joined another, 
wliose members employ the ballot to punish public 
servants who l)etray, and to exalt those who are 
faithful; Tliat organization will live. And, by the 
way, "me and Teddy" Ijelong to the same union. 

May I say to you that all this talk about the 
contlict l)etween capital and la])or will end whenever 
labor concludes to end it? Tlie responsi])ility.for the 
wrongs of labor rests upon the shoulders of labor and 
nowhere else. The majority have created the condi- 
tion that is rapidly becoming int(ileral)le. It is idle 
to spend our time cursing the men who [irotit by laws 
the people enact. It is the statutes that are wrong 
and not so ]nuch tlie monoi)olist. So long as labor 
indorses the system it deserves the fruits the system 
yields. Organized labor is not the wdiole people by 
any means and yet it today constitutes the most 
elective agency for the correction of the monopoly 
evil. In proportion as it acts in concert will the 
foundations of piivilege tremble. 

Under a monarchy the silence of the people in 
the face of great wrongs miglit he excusable, but 
under republican government, it never can be. I 
am not a violent man and I would like to draw a 
picture of the future showing the kindly face of 
capital beaming in benediction upon the visage of 
labor — but you would laugh at it and so would the 
future. The dawn of the new era will not light up 
the faces of the American people until labor writes 
upon the statute books of the United States the 
indncnples for which its platforms have for so long 
declared. The lal)or which strikes against condi- 
tions, which it votes to perpetuate, is entitled to 



55 
neither respect nor sympathy. Lahor need not ex'- 
pert iustice, until it votes just men into otihce. it 
need not seek fiiithful service of puhlic officuxls, who 
realise that a few words about "the dignity ot 
h;hnr - (hdivered about election time, is sulficient to 
fool the people. Perhaps it ^^•a. by way of anticipa- 
tion that the wise man of Israel was moved to say: 
-^Vho^the wicked bear rule the peo],le mourn, but 
when the righteous are in autnority, the people 

rejoice." 

![• thi- oovernment has a mission to perform, it 
i. to dethrone the despot, and crown the citizen. 
This was once our national ambition, as it was the in- 
spiration of the w(.rhrs downtrodden; t..day, our 
;^ni and ambition i« trade. Today, the dollar is the 
standard of justice, and the measure ot manlmod, 
today we lead the world in comerce, hut liberty is 
losinii !i;round. 

There is money in the labor of children- 
n.onev that will buy titles for women, and splendor 
;;.. u'len. What matters it that these little ones 
have never known childhood^s play-day, nor ^ad- 
dened under Nature's smile: what matters it, that 
to them, that twelve means maturity and twenty 
nieans decay? They must labor for their master is 
o-old, and ;2old is iilory. 

: Is tl.is A,i>evioa'B oalli.,-? I. govermnent based 
„„ t,.,ce, a lit answer to Waslm.gton's farewell ad- 
d -es." is this^crv of the children, the vc.al..atu.n of 
Li,;;.;i„'s snl.imie an,bition-? 1 hear yn« answer 
"N„ •• 1 hear the negative from two million stalwart 
sons'of the republic, handed together in the naine of 
Brotherhood, who declare the people s "f* |"',: f' 
who bnrn incense to her, who ,s ehnste led Lib- 
e " and in wliose eyes Peace is a sweet evangel. 
I thank God there are none ot Idaho's children 
ia<n-ilicil... their pathetic lives on Mammon's crnel 
; th nk G d for the ballot that is in the hands 



5^ 
of Idaho's mothers, and for Idaho's union hxbor, fof 
I realize that while labor has power, and woman's 
heart is true, the children of Idaho will know 
kindness and mercy, and the golden ])eams of sun- 
shine, the sweet perfume of home and the seliool 
room's l)lessed purpose. 

I am persuaded, my brothers, tliat lie is not a true 
American who dishonors those u])on whom her security 
depends. Ihe man who has no ii'ood word to say of 
Union La!)or, does not understand its noljle purpose. 
He imangines it is builded on the sands of selfish- 
ness, v/hen in trutli it is establislied on the &olid 
rock of Brottierhofjd. Let liim get close to its heart, 
and he will find that in human sympathy it beats 
for justice. For every word tliat it says about 
wages, it says a hundred about citizenship. Its 
doors are open to the Uian of whatever land or clime, 
whose eyes are fixed on the sunlit mount of Free- 
dom, and if it is his amljition to build on American 
soil an independent and self respecting home, and if 
he will teach his daughters the graces of womanhood, 
and ground his sons in the truths of which the stars 
and stripes are a shining emblem — then is he 
worthy the bonds of Brotherhood, and him will labor 
sustain. 

I cannot but realize the potency of orgauizatu^n 
as I witness this demonstration today. Will you 
march as steadily, and as unitedly, on next elec- 
tion day? I believe you will. There are so man}^ 
wrongs to l)e righted; so many faithless public 
servants to be retired to private life; I speak not of 
Idaho alone, but of thej^nation and its problems. 
You are familiar with them, and I have indicated 
where the responsibility for their solution rests. 
Cowardice does not belong to the American character 
nor to the American ambition and the American 
people fear neither problems present, nor impending. 
Destiny promises kindness, and the past shall teach 
us wisdom. History marks time by centuries, and 



57 
it lias made record ol' hut one hour of American pro- 
gress. The wisdom that could evolve a harmonious 
union from the chaos of the revolution; the wisdom 
that enabled it to survive the shock of civil 
will show to us, ere we dream of it, the dawn of the 
perfect day. Of what shall this wisdom consist? The 
wisdom of gentleness, and courage, of prudence and 
honor. Take counsel of justice, and into the mouths 
of children put the Golden Kule, and the New Com- 
mandment. The might of a luition is in the hearts of 
the people not in a militia's arsenal. 

Have I said too much about labor and do I ex- 
haust your patience? Then I ask that you be 
indulgent. To me, there is no cause more sacred 
then is the cause of those who have turned the curse 
of Adam in to the noblest of manhood's virtues, for 
in their comjjauy I have lived some of the richest 
years that man has ever known. With them I have 
worked shoulder to shoulder where candle answers 
for sunlight, and music is in hammer and drill. 
AVith tiiem I have felt the throb of the mighty 
engine of steam and steel, rushing onward through 
the blackness, lighting up with its restless eye the 
meadow lands and muntains; and because I now them 
well, I can say to you in truth, they are the hope of 
the republic — the l)ulwark of its defense. I know 
that they exalt the home for there is the fountain of 
patriotism. There are the virtues that will perpuate 
the natioirs greatness, and keep its beacon brightly 
burning , for the oppressed of every land. 

Let us approach the proljlems of today, as the 
fathers approached the i^voblems of yesterday. Let 
us approach them in confidence, l)ut in consecration. 
The time for hate is past, and the day of kindness is 
at hand. The sun of revolution has passed, and 
evolution's morning has come. The battles of the 
future, the battles that will redeem the world, will 
be won by the armies of reason. Suthcient unto the 
day is the intelligence of the American peojDle — ■ 



mighty beyond tlu' ;:n[;Iit of Caesar and Napoleon, 
the ballots of the sons of Labor. Establish a school 
hwuse on every hill top and raise the stars and 
stripes above it. Crown in the hears of children, 
the heroes of the repnl)lic. Teach your sons and 
danghters that the pearl of iireat price is not hid 
amid the city's cruel striff. Point your young men 
and women to Idaho's stateliouse, and say, it is for 
them to keep it pure; and when they come to you for 
wisdom, repeat into their ears tlie iujinortal words of 
Cicero — "No republic can endure whose foundation 
stones are not laid on the principles of eternal 
j ustice." 



The Slander of a State, 

An Address Delivered Before the National Editorial Assoeia- 
tion, at Indianapolis, June I4t-^i. 1906 

Ladies and Gentlemen: 

The letter of President Uyniond, asking me to 
speak l^efore the National Editorial Association for 
the second time, uave me wide latitude in the 
choosin- of a subject. Censure the indulgent pilot 
of thp Louisiana Planter therefore if, in asking you 
to make a concrete application of the virtue of con- 
fidence, I give ofience either to your opinions or to 
your intelligence. 

■ My friends, 1 am glad to be provided with the 
opportunitv to talk with yon once more. This great 
association brought into my life a rare degree ot 
happiness some years ago-gave me a sweet, daughter 
of the southland to brighten the years of my lite. 
To be with you again and to revive the associations 
of other days, is to me, a pleasure deep and satisty- 
ino. I iourneved three thousand miles to enjoy it— 
nml three thousand miles from Idaho is a Ear greater 
distance than three thousand miles from any other 
state that I know anything about. If you but lived 
in Idaho you would quite agree with me. People 
who are in search of the most favored spot of which 
Earth can boast, experience the same degreee of 
satisfaction when they discover Idaho thatyou and 
I used to feel when we reached the mince pie course 
in mother's Christmas dinner. 

Fellow-workers; I had thought to claim your 



6o 

attention for a iJJl > v-liile along- other lines, but 
the conviction has forced itself upon me that 1 
\vould 1)e unworthy of the citizenship with which 
Idaho has endowed nie if I did not take advantage 
of the oppportuuity this occasion affords to discuss 
a matter that is of grave concern to my people. 
It sliould never be necessary for any one to declare 
the integrity of any of the states m this Union , 
and, in so far as you are concerned, it is not nec- 
essary to do so now. But you have the ears of mil- 
lions of our fellow-countrymen who have been 
deceived. It is within your power to reach the 
hearts and correct the judgment of these people, and 
it is because I am persuaded you will do so in a 
spirit of fairness that I declare to ycm today the 
stainless honor of the sovereign state of Idaho. 

There is a man living down here in Indiana who 
has been, and is, asserting the contrary'. He is 
declaring to the country at frequent intervals that 
Idaho has determined to commit uiurder in the name 
of Justice. No charge so infamous as that was ever 
before conceived by the genius of Evil and hurled 
at an American state. With the faith of a great 
and just people behind me, I declare to you, my 
brother editors, on this hallowed soil that he dis- 
honors in dishonoring mine, that Eugene Debs has 
lied. He lied when he proidaimed the existence of 
a conspiracy l)etween Idaho and the mine owners of 
Colorado to destroy labor unionism in the mineral 
industry; He lied when he said that the courts of 
Idaho could be bought and sold like merchandise; 
and he lied as only a num deranged or debased can 
ile, wdien he heralded to the workers of the United 
States that Idaho had decreed, in advance of trial, 
the death of innocent men. 

Gentlemen, in the state of Idaho will soon begin 
one of the most remarkable criminal cases in the 
annals of the law. Three men are to be tried for 
murder. The fiend who, by his own hand, destroyed 



6i 

tlie life of one of Idalio's former governors has con- 
fessed tluit these three men empkjyed him to commit 
that crime. Ihey ha[>i)en to 1)e the leaders of a 
laV)or union eml)ra( ini:; tiie miners of the West — as 
brave and true-hearted a race of men as can he found 
anywhere on this earth. 

But Ichiho is not trying leaders of labor, but 
luen — cliarired with a crime against the comnidn- 
wealtli of Idaho, a crime against human society and 
against civilization. If they are innocent they will 
be set free; if guilty they must pay the penalty that 
Idaho demands of those wlio offend against her laws. 

A confessed assassin says tliat the men on trial 
are guilty; I believe they are innocent; the people 
of Idaho believe they are innocent; the laws of Idaho 
l)hice tlie presumption of innocence with the accused; 
tlie courts of Idaho will proceed upon that assump- 
tion — and a jury of American citizens will not tind 
them guilty without the presentation of legitimate 
and conclusive evidence. 

The courts of Idaho were always accounted just 
until the Tropliet of disorder arose and declared 
them corrupt. But I make no unreasonable request 
when I ask you to believe that tlie administration of 
justice in my state is pure until you are given 
evidence of its corruption. 

It i^ a serious thing to charge a state established 
upon a free constutiion with c(»iis[)iracy against the 
fundamental guarantees of lil)erty. Eugene Debs 
doubtless knows liow such an indictment can 
advance the cause of the Co-oi)crative Oommon- 
wealtli, l)ut his method of reasoning is hard to 
follow. In Idaho we cannot see how the murder 
trial to whi<di I have referred— or any other murder 
trial — is Socialism's concern, any more than it is 
the concern of Methodism or of IMasonry. Nor can 
Idaho determine how the conviction or acquittal of 
the accused men can, m any wise, atfect the great 
jpovement of Labor toward industrial emancipatiopj 



62 

That knowledge is the peculiar and exclusive pusses- 
sion of Eugene Debs. It is evident, however, that 
he has less faith in the dignity and stabilty of that 
movement than have the American people generally 
and the Idaho people in particular. 

Out in the tolerant atmosphere of Idaho we are 
speeding the day of Labor's triumph — ^not retarding 
it. We are not engaged in a conspiracy to disrupt 
or discredit the institution of lal)or unionism. On 
the contrary it is onr proud 1)oast that we have 
established a state where labor is secure — secure 
against crimes of the mineowners of (Colorado and 
secure againt Debs and the g()S])el of Force. 
Gentlemen, I am a citizen of Idaho and I have spoken 
as the citizens of Idaho feel. I ask your confidence 
in the high motives that control them — and I deliver 
to you a sealed bond of promise that they will never 
contribute a chapter of dishonor to "The History of 
the American I'eople," 



C 17 Ii06 



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